This document is part of the Central Committee Report approved by the 5th Congress in December 1999.
Our First Congress convened on 8-9 April 1989 under the slogan of “Towards Unity and Alternative”. The main question at that time was to present to the working class a revolutionary alternative.
After the programme, the main task was to rebuild the “Vanguard Party for Revolution”. With this task on the agenda, our Second Coongress convened on 6-7 Temmuz 1991.
We held our Third Congress on 14-16 October 1994 with the slogan of “Organize the Class Struggle”.
Our Fourth Congress was convened at the beginning of the process of 28 February, on 22-24 November 1996 with the call for a “Revolutionary Leap Forward”.
And now we are having our Fifth Congress at the end of the third year of the process of 28 February. The main slogan of this Congress is “Three Unities for the Republican Revolutionary Power”. For the next 5 to 10 years there are possibilities for the realization of the Republican Revolutionary Power and for our party’s becoming a member of this government.
Turkey is still experiencing the contradictions of the 1990s. The facts of the last six years have proven our Analysis on the world situation made in the Reports by the Central Committee submitted to our Third Congress, held on 13-16 October 1994, and to our Fourth congress, held on 20-22 November 1996. What is new after 1996 is the leap forward by the Republican Revolution symbolized by the process of 28 February.
I. THE PROCESS OF 28 FEBRUARY
The Rise of the 28 February
The process of 28 February began, in fact, not on 28 February 1997, the date from which the process takes its name, but in the Autumn of 1996, and even earlier, on March 1995 with the entry of the Turkish Armed Forces into the US controlled North Iraq. And since the 1989 Workers’ Spring, the main driving force of the process is the working people’s movement defending the fortresses of the Republican economy.
Following are the most important steps in the rise of this process which we call “The Second Offensive of the Republican Revolution:
In March 1995, the Turkish Armed Forces entered into US controlled Northern Iraq.
In September 1996, in cooperation with Masood Barzani’s Kurdistan Democratic Party and Iraq, the Turkish army upset the the US positions in Northern Iraq
In November 1996, a movement of enlightenment has been started against the regime which is penetrated by mafia and reactionary-religious organizations.
On 28 February 1997, the National Security Council took a number of measures against religious reaction and for defending the Kemalist Revolution. The process of 28 February takes its name from these measures.
On 29 April 1997, the National Security Council defined the religious reaction as the main threat and adopted a National Strategical Military Concept. This new military concept projects liquidation of the religious reaction by use of military force if necessary.
On 30 June 1997, the pro-American coalition government of Erbakan-Çiller has been overthrown as a result of a popular mass movement supported by the Army.
On 31 October 1997, the National Security Council has adopted a new Document of National Security Policy. This document included the nationalism of racist character into the enemy concept and projected the liquidation of the mafia integrated with racist groupings.
In December 1997, the General Staff decided to restructure the Turkish Armed Forces against the threat posed by the religious reaction supported by the West.
The gainings and the weaknesses of the 28 February
Seen in totality, all these developments opened certain breaches in the pro-American regime based on mafia-gladio-religious reactionary organizations.
The regional forces in the Middle East started, in cooperation with each other, an active resistance against the US plans for establishing a mini Kurdish state of puppet character. Heavy blows have been dealt to the political positions of the reactionary religious organizations and their political party has been banned. Limitations were brought to their illegal Koran schools.
An extensive enlightenment movement has been started against the mafia and gladio.
The right-wing parties were unable to form government despite the fact that they had the majority in the parliament.
All these show that the process of 28 February is a new leap forward by the Kemalist Revolution.Yet it is more appropriate to call this leap forward The Third Offensive in order for the 27 May 1960 movement to be taken into account.
Different from the 27 May movement, the most important aspect of the 28 February is the fact that on the fronts of secularism and independence this process has been greatly influenced by the programmes and policies put forward by the Workers’ Party.
The decisions taken on 28 February 1997 bear the traces of 12-point-demands put forward by the Workers’ Party under the title of “The Laws of the Republican Revolution Must Be Implemented”.
“Region-centered foreign policy”, propagated for years by our Party, was taken into government programme for a period. The policy of Eurasian Alternative has been influential in many circles.
Nationalism of racist character has been included into enemy concept and the liquidation of fascist mafia has been made a part of the Document of National Security Policy.
All these show that it is of utmost importance for the working people’s classes to be on the frontline of this new Offensive of the Republican Revolution and further this process to completing the Kemalist Revolution. And the Workers’ Party has taken over this task.
Of course, there are negative aspects in this picture, too.
Despite the fact that the 28 February took a clear attitude against the reactionary religious forces, it has been quite inefficient in liquidating the mafia.
It stopped at putting an end to the political assassinations committed by the gladio, and reconciled with this NATO organization. And consequently, assassinations by the Super NATO has started again.
It resisted to the USA only in Northern Iraq and dealt blows at US project of Moderate Islam.
On the other hand, it couldn’t take an active attitude against the privatization offensive of the world capitalism and was not able to defend the Republican economy. It was only made some statements and given out some publications pointing the dangers of privatization.
For all these reasons, the forces of Republican Revolution was in a defensive position in the economical front, despite the fact that they were, to a certain extent, in an offensive position in the 28 February process against religious reaction and the mafia.
Providing the 28 February with its political power
Most important of all is the fact that 28 February was not able to bring a solution to the question of political power. From this point of view, 28 February is differing from 27th May. The task of forming government is left to the forces which are resisting to or at least are reluctant to defend the Republican Revolution, and it was stopped at forcing on them some urgent measures. In fact, this is the critical point of the current process.
Being aware of this, our party waged a struggle for carrying out the only political power alternative for 28 February, that is the Unity of Left Forces-Left Political Power. This proposal was presented to chairmen of DSP (Democratic Left party) and CHP (Republican People’s Party) more than once. However, Chairman Ecevit of the DSP and Chairman Baykal of the CHP have proven that they do not pursue a left political power and do not give up the policy of being crutches for the right-wing parties. There is no doubt that the reason for this is the threats and pressure from the USA.
Following the initiatives taken by our party since December 1994, we have realized that forming the Unity of Left Forces is not feasible by persuading the he adquarters of DSP and CHP. At the same time we have had the organizations and advanced forces of these parties realized this fact by their own experiences. Consequently, our Party Council have decided on its 31 January-1 February 1998 meeting to form Left Unity in the provinces and sub-provinces under Atatürk’s Six Arrows programme, and to persuade the party headquarters through this way.
This decision was implemented succesfully during the first six months of 1998 and Councils (Unions) of National Forces was established on 28 February in Mersin, on 20 May in Adana, on 3 June in Bursa, on 26 June in Zonguldak, on 9 September in Ulukışla-Niğde, on 26 September in İzmir. These was followed by the establishment of Councils in about 10 provinces and sub-provinces.
In our Party Council meeting on 13-14 June 1998 it was seen on the basis of the reports by our local organizations that it is possible to establish Councils of National Forces till 30 August in an area covering the 70 percent of the country.
The rapid advance made in the field of the Unity of the Left Forces urged the opposing forces to act.
The crisis of the 28 February: Secret agreement with the USA
The USA confronted the alternative put forward by the Workers’ Party to form a government of Republican Revolution through Unity of the Left Forces, and even resorted to the threat of “starting a civil war” if the Turkish Armed Forces lit a green light to this project. The 28 February would either create its own government or enter into a downwards course. This is a question of balance of powers.
The rise of the 28 February process lasted about one and a half year, from Autumn 1996 to Summer 1998. From Autumn 1998 onwards started a counter-attack in order to strangle the 28 February process. The two most important targets of this counter-attack were the Turkish Armed Forces and the Workers’ Party.
In March 1998, the USA started a public discussion on the so called “intermediary regime” via CHP Chairman Baykal, and this was followed by the then Prime Minister Mesut Yılmaz’s well-known scold that opened the way for the initiatives of “sowing discord in the army”. This period came to an end with the decision of July 1998 to have an early election. Thus, by getting the overwhelming majority of the parliament over to its side, the USA took its most important step to strangle the 28 February process and set the trap of early election.
At the same time, on June 1998, a secret and illegal agreement was signed between the USA and the ruling nucleus of Turkey. According to this agreement Turkey should follow the American line in the Balkans and Northern Iraq and should contribute with troops to armed interventions in these regions.. And furthermore, the Workers’ Party was to be obstructed in its political activities deemed to be disturbing for the USA. In return, the USA would turn on green light for economic assistance, would not oppose to restrictions on the Welfare Party, and would help Turkey in liquidating the military force of the PKK.
This agreement has been a historical document proving that the new leap forward by the Kemalist Revolution through the 28 February process is in confrontation with the USA. Through this agreement, the USA managed to frustrate the realization of the political power alternative of the Republican revolution on the basis of the political parties, and dragged Turkey into an early election trap. It was only our party that grasped the fact that the early election served to this trap.
Operation against the Workers’ Party
In accordance with the secret agreement with the USA, an operation was started against the Workers’ Party September l998. The Operation was carried out by forces within the Special Forces Command serving the USA. What is more, this operation was approved by the persons holding key posts in the administration, including the President and the Prime Minister.
The main aim of the operation was to prevent the formation of the Unity of Left Forces. The Workers’ Party was targeted because it designed the only feasible alternative for government of Republican Revolution. This is the reason for being defined as “the party which is bothering the USA”. Accordingly, the operation against the Workers’ Party was conducted synchronously with undermining the Councils of National Forces.
Especially the chairmen of DSP and CHP were warned by the USA against cooperation and for obstructing the rank-and-file initiative of establishing the Councils of National Forces. Consequently, DSP Chairman Ecevit put pressure on the local organizations of his party and, thus, prevented their participation in the Councils of National Forces. CHP Chairman Baykal exercised continuous efforts to get his party’s Mersin organization recede from the Unity of Left Forces and finally succeeded in this. And as for the provinces where the Unity was in the establishment phase, he tried to prevent the CHP organizations’ participation and succeeded in some provinces.
Association for Atatürkist Thought played an important part in the establishment of Councils of National Forces, and because of this part a “Freemason coup” was organized against this Association. Following the failure of the first attempt, another offensive was started and the leadership of the Association was replaced with a new one. The new leadership had almost no activity except for the prevention of the participation by the local organizations in the Councils of National Forces.
US led efforts to prevent the establishment of the Unity of Left Forces have also targeted the Pir Sultan Abdal Cultural Association. The headquarter of this association dissolved four local organizations on grounds that these were mainly led by the Workers’ Party members.
At the end of September 1998 the well-known operation was started against the Workers’ Party on the false pretext, and by using fake documents, that the Workers’ Party Chairman was the secret second leader of the PKK and that he “assisted the PKK and inculcated the PKK leader Öcalan for the assassination of 33 soldiers”, and consequently our Chairman and Secretary General was arrested. They had two aims: To ban the Workers’ party and conduct a psychological warfare.
They couldn’t reach the first aim, but conducted, throuh press and TV channels, an extensive slander campaign against the Workers’ Party. Thanks to this, they managed to ob sctruct the building of Councils of National Forces, got our party handcuffed on the eve of the election and sowed suspicion in the minds of tens of millions that “the Workers’ Party is an organization helping the PKK”.
What is important now is to be able to give a clear answer to the following question: Is there any mistake, incautiousness, negligence by our Party?
From the beginning, the Workers’ Party pursued a policy of uniting the Turks and the Kurds against imperialism and solving the Kurdish question within Turkey’s integrity and by “equality, freedom and brotherhood”. Our Party prepared a programme for implementation of the constitutional principles and policies tested during the Liberation War and declared it. This is a correct programme and policy.
The Workers’ Party have always given the first priority to block the imperialist intervention and waged struggle to gain the Kurdish popular masses over to the programme of completing the Kemalist Revolution.
Our Party has diagnosed during the Gulf War the operation for “westernizing the PKK”, saw that this organizition entered into an orientation towards playing parts in the neo-Sevres scenarios of the West and pursued a policy of condemning this. In all the conferences held after the Gulf War the imperialist powers gave the main part to the PKK which they had previously excluded from the Paris Conference convened in 1989.
The Workers’ Party was the only organization among the socialist parties and organizations to take a clear and categorical attitude after the Gulf War against the PKK. The USA has opened the way for separating the socialist Left from the Kemalists and uniting with the pro-West Kurdish nationalism, and supported such formulas as “Rainbow project” to make the Left play only an oppositional role. Washington’s only concern was to prevent a Left Unity between DSP, CHP and the Workers’ Party aiming at coming to power. In such a case, the 28 February would get its political power and obtained the chance for putting Turkey again on the track of Kemalist Revolution.
As the case is not that we committed a mistake or made a miscalculation, the only proper attitude is to draw lessons from the US led operation.
Firstly, this operation has proven that our Party’s analysis is correct. It is quite understandable that imperialism attacks before all else to the most national party in order to reach its goal of demolishing the national state and ruining the national economy.
Secondly, being a “party disturbing the USA” has strenghtened our self-confidence.
Thirdly, we must evaluate our experience gained through this operation and be ready to counter new attacks.
Our Party has waged a succesfull struggle against the plot and revealed it. Neverthless, the media meticulously camuflaged the true character of this plot which was “An Operation by the State”. A fourth lesson should be taken from this: When the revolutionary party of the working class comes front-to-front with the system, it has to have strong means of communication and to organize an extensive distribution of these.
An election policy for the day after the election
Under the conditions when the contradictions between Turkey and the “Little America” harshen, the Workers’ Party entered into the elections as the only Left-wing party facing attacks and operations. In the elections we defended the national state against the New World Order with the slogan “Defend Turkey”.
Our election policy was designed by keeping 19 April in mind, not 18, the day of the election. We revealed to the people as early as Spring 1998 that the early election was a trap set for Turkey. Yet we couldn’t prevent our country fall into that trap. It was known that also the National Security Council opposed the early elections. Neverthless, this instituition changed its attitude one month before the elections upon the threats and pressure from the USA.
Under these conditions there was only one alternative for the Workers’ Party: To design a policy for getting out of the trap and to prepare itself for the period after 19 April.
The trap was set to prevent the establishment of a government of the Republican Revolution. Thus, the way out of the trap was to unite the forces of the Republican Revolution.
Our alternative for the political power was a feasible project. Of course, every party wants to be on power. Our Party presented to the DSP and the CHP a solution which would bring them to power. Unfortunately, these parties which are easily forming coalition governments with right-wing parties, did not accept the Unity of Left Forces.
The elections have proven that our estimation was correct. Indeed, the Unity of DSP-CHP-Workers’ Party was surely going to get the political power. What did the DSP and the CHP obtain by avoiding this solution? The CHP lost not only the political power, but even fell out of the parliament. As for the the DSP, it brought itself into deadlock by forming coalition government with fascist MHP and right-wing ANAP.
The elections have proven that the Workers’ Party’s Left Unity-Left Power policy was correct. What is more important is that the elections have shown that the only way to go for the period in front of us is the Left Unity.
Evaluation on the election results
It is astonishing that a party which played important parts in the period behind us and became the leader of the 28 February in the fields of policy and programme won such a low amount of votes even after uniting with the most estimable intellectuals and specialists of our country. We recognize our failure and clearly express it.
There are, above all else, objective reasons for this failure. The elections of 18 April 1999 were held with the press from the USA, in the process conditioned by the USA and with the trap set by the USA.
The elections were held under the conditions when the national hatred was provoked, when PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan was transported from country to country and finally handed over to Turkey in a package.
Two months after the decision on early election was taken, in September 1998, the operation against the Workers’ Party was started, its Chairman and Secretary General were imprisoned, and, by using fake documents, a propaganda campaign was launched to prove that the Workers’ Party was assisting the PKK. By this operation, the Workers’ Party’s votes were scared off, so to say. Our party has paid, also on the election basis, the price for being the main target of USA. Under these conditions, bringing our political line and struggle on the table and asking the question of “What should we have, or should not have done in order to get more votes?” will lead us to non-revolutionary conclusions: If we were not a target for the USA, if we did not face an operation by the State we would have won more votes. Especially, if we stepped into the door of agreement with the USA, which was kept wide open for us, we would have won an extraordinarily high percentage of votes.
On the other hand, the Left Unity propaganda conducted by the Workers’ Party had an increasing effect on the DSP votes. Having seen that the Left Unity had not materialized, the Left-wing voters preferred to attain the unity by srenghtening the DSP.
This has led some of our comrades to see the propaganda for Left Unity in the election campaign as something harmful for our Party. Nevertheless, getting our Party grow stronger and have more votes is strategically attainable through Left Unity.
The Left Unity was a solution of the people. We were obliged to this solution. The question we asked ourselves before the elections was not only how to get the highest possible percentage of votes, but also how to open the way for the people of Turkey to obtain the political power and, in doing this, to get the highest amount of votes. The Party must be sure of this: Fidelity to people will eventually yield results, also in the field of votes.
When we are assessing the election results, we are not dwelling upon such issues as the 10% barrier- this is a factor which we cannot change. But we have to be aware of this: This barrier was set in order to channel the votes of the revolutionary parties to the parties of the system. The barrier is serving to this aim for the last three elections. Had there been no such barrier, our party has potential votes sufficient to go over 2.7%, the percentage of votes given to the TİP (Workers’ Party of Turkey) in the 1965 elections.
It will be a mistake to focus only on the percentage of votes. The Workers’ Party came out of this election with important gainings.
One: We have united with the most distinguished intellectuals and specialists of our country within the Left Unity. Intellectuals of 27 May movement, of the Village Institutes project, of the revolutionary generation of 1968, specialists who have solutions for Turkey’s most important problems have united their forces in the lists of the Workers’ Party. In this way, a nucleus which can make very valuable contributions to the government of Republican Revolution was formed.
Two: The Left Unity project reached to tens of millions of working people.
Three: US pressures on Turkey to accept the mission of being an intervention force into the crisis areas became known by the broad masses of people.
II. TURKEY IN THE US TRAP
Coalition partner: A US hireling
As our party foresaw, the day after the election, Turkey woke up in the US trap. Ecevit submitted to the pressures from the USA. The organization acting as the hireling within the US plans for destabilizing Turkey has been made the second biggest partner of the coalition government. Mafia-gladio-religious organizations based regime has come to such a point that it gave the highest positions of power to the US hirelings. Counter-guerilla’s auxillary organization, also called Super NATO, is no longer an auxillary organization, but is one of the main partners of the government. This has been the solution of the “Little America” forces against the rise of the Republican Revolution.
Partitioning Turkey on the threshold of Europe
All the developments since 19 April show that the early elections were held in accordance with the US agenda. The new NATO concept, OSCE, secret Security Agreement with the USA singned on 19 November 1999, Trade and Investment Agreement with the USA, candidacy to the European Union- all these followed each other.
As its first task, the new government accepted the new NATO concept on 25 April 1999. With this new concept NATO is legitimizing the US role as world police, forcing Turkey into the crisis areas as an intervention force, preparing pretexts for imperialist interventions to destroy the national states by claiming “the superiority for human rights and minority rights over the integrity of a country”.
As a continuation of this process, Turkey and the USA signed during the OSCE summit in Istanbul a number of bilateral agreements on strategical cooperation and on defence, energy, economic relations and on fighting terror and organized crimes. The agreement signed on 19 November 1999 by the Turkish Foreign Ministry on behalf of the government includes important paragraphs as regards to the future of Turkey and our Party. According to this agreement revaled by our party to the public opinion but censored by the press,
– Turkey is assuming responsibilities in the Caucasus, Balkans and the Middle East. These responsibilites bear such dimensions as to bring Turkey into confrontation with Russia, Iran and China.
– A security force is being formed in the countries where the Baku-Ceyhan pipeline passes through.
– In case Russia and Iran violates Baku-Ceyhan agreement together with other countries which have interests in the Caspian Sea, the signatory countries sanction joint reaction, including the military option.
Also the programme forced upon Turkey during the talks for the secret agreement has been revealed by our Party. This programme which will be decisive for the agenda of the near future can be summed in six points:
1- The 28 February process will be put an end.
2- The Turkish Armed Forces will be turned into a regional police force under the name of “Super Army”, or as the USA calls it, will be “Pentagonized”. The headquarter of the Army will be transferred to Konya. An “Operation Center” for international missions will be set up and the Turkish Army will assume responsibilities in this center.
3- Turkey will adopt semi-presidential system.
4- The way to coalition partnership for the Moderate Islam will be opened.
5- The PKK will be transformed into political force in a controlled process and its military force will be kept intact for being made a partner to the puppet state in Northern Iraq.
6- The forces resisting to the liquidation of the national state and the national army will be made impotent.
It took only five minutes on 7 December 1999 for the parliament to ratify The Trade and Investment Agreement signed with the USA during the OSCE Istanbul Summit. This is a colonization agreement. With this ratification the MAI was legalized and International Arbitration was accepted, and thereby, the independent courts are made a part of history.
And finally, Turkey’s candidacy to the EU has beed accepted by the Council of Ministers on 10 december 1999. In this way, the Turkish administration has been chained to the threshold of Europe. It can neither go in, nor out. Turkey has been put under the US control on the threshold of Europe.
The dimensions of the threat we are facing have been clearly shown by a statement on 12 December 1999 by the British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook. The British Foreign Secretary claims that the constuction of the Ilısu dam was a “violation of the Kurdish autonomy”.
Turkey is being partitioned on the threshold of Europe. It has to be clearly stated: The threat is coming from the West.
A Western policy: To press in the west in order to seize control in the east
The holders of the political power have surrendered in Cyprus and Egean questions for the sake of the candidacy to the European Union. Both the USA and the EU are pursuing a policy of excercising pressure on Turkey in West in order to seize control in the east. The pressures in relation to Cyprus and Egean Sea is aimed, on the final analysis, to seize the control of Euphrates and Tigris. Turning Cyprus into a US military base will make the establishment of a puppet state in Northern Iraq and partitioning of Turkey a current danger.
Cyprus with a population of 400 thousand is an artificial state. In 1960s, when there was a balance of forces between the two super-powers, having a sovereign state in Cyprus was possible. In 1960s Cyprus was a member of the Non-Aligned Bloc.
An independent an unified Cyprus is no longer possible. The conditions for Turks and Greeks to live together have been destroyed by the imperialist forces. After 50 years of tragedies, the two peoples of Cyprus were brought to a point of determining their fates seperately. What is even worst, the USA is pursuing the aim of making Cyprus a springboard for the Middle East and Central Asia under the cover of unifying the island. The way to abort this project is passing through the annexation of the Turkish Republic of northern Cyprus into Turkey.
Marketing the blood of the Turkish soldier
The national economy built by the Kemalist Revolution faced during the past fifty years with two waves of attacks by the world capitalism. The first wave of attack came right after the Second World War. But this could not manage to destroy totally the foundations of the national economy. The process of integration with the worldwide market started after the 12 September 1980 coup is bringing results for the destruction of the national market. Even the industry processing the agricultural products and the the trade within the inner market are being seized by the foreign capital. Even firms producing yoghurt, milk and washing powder are passing to the foreign hands. The functions of the president and the ministers are being reduced to cutting ribbons in the opening ceremonies of the foreign super and hypermarkets. The milk produced by our relatives in the countryside is sold now by foreign firms. The facts of the colonization process are now seen in our daily lives. Turkey is being drawn into the trap of nuclear power plants despite the fact that its energy production is more than sufficient for its consumption. The holders of the political power are pursuing such treacherous policies as to turn Turkey into a nuclear wasteland.
Anarchical economic development depended on imperialism is assuming the dimensions of a catastrophy. Private system blinded with profitmaking, built the center of gravity of the Turkish industry, including such important installations as oil refineries, on the earthquake zones. Even the Navy was locked in Gölcük, the epicenter of 17 August earthquake. The system is hit by the earthquake. Apart from other factors, the earthquake alone has shown that Turkey is obliged to a planned public economy.
With the contribution of the sanctions on Iraq, the economy of “Little America” came to the point of “putting three thins up for sale”.
The first sale is sale of the body, in other words, selling the public economy through privitizations to the foreign- and collaborationist capital, more properly said, to mafia, and thereby, destroying the national axis of the economy.
The second sale is the sale of heroin. The deficit in the foreign payments created by the sanctions on Iraq were compensated by the sale of heroin. In this way, the economy was made, through heroin, dependent on the US imperialism.
The third sale is the sale of blood. The economy, no longer able to sustain by the sales of body and heroin and unable to pay even the interests of the debts, came to the point of sustaining itself by selling the blood of the Turkish soldiers. The role of being the “intervention force to the crisis areas” is given to Turkey as a result of foreign debts, reaching to the amount of 105 billion US dollars, and inner debts (in fact this is also foreign debt) reaching to 40 billion dollars. The big capital which is nothing more than an agent for the world capital and which has become a mafia, has no other way to go than selling the blood of soldiers in order to sustain the system of swindle. Çevik Bir, the newest figure in the scene of politics, describes this mission as “producing security for the West”.
Under these conditions, the struggle for keeping the national industry, agriculture, Social Welfare System and other social institutions alive, is of decisive importance. The barricade set up on the last defence positions of the Republican economy will create a basis for the reconstuction of the national economy.
It is inevitable for the Turkish economy to be put again on a track of revitilizing the agriculture, turning the recources of mafia and unearned incomes into public funds, putting an end to the parasitism of the limited number (no more than one thousand) of loan sharks, being able to tax the richest, and being public-centered and planned.
The union of “little reaction” with the “big reaction”
To reach its aim, the US imperialism is destroying all the traditions of the national state and all cultural values which nourish the enlightenment. Ideological and cultural globalization is being carried out through cosmopolitism on the metropoles and through Moderate Islam on the periphery.
In short, the “little reaction” is being united with the “big reaction”. The Islamist reaction managed in the past years to mask its historical role by supposedly criticising the “imitation of the West”. Pro-western fake secularists, in turn, were propagating the myth of Western opposition to the religious reaction. Now the pieces have fallen to their right places. All parties have taken their places in the front determined by the historical alignment of forces. The reactionary forces of Turkey have clinged, as always, on the USA which is the center of the world reaction. All reactionary organizations and religious orders are taking their places in the party that is expecting freedom from the European Union, and are hand in hand with the mafioso-cosmopolit capital. Islamism and “Atatürkism a la Clinton” have entered hand in hand into 2000s, declared to be the years of interreligious reconciliation.
Mobilizition for Revolutionary Education, Enlightenment and Art
The national forces of Turkey can resist this cultural attack from the centers of the world capital by revitalizing the democratic culture and through a mobilization of Revolutionary Education and Enlightenment for reeducation of the people.
Imperialism is enslaving our national language, Turkish, step by step. Our Party will organize a special struggle against the hegemony of foreign languages in the fields of education, culture and economy, against the degeneration of the Turkish language, and for developing it as a soficticated language of culture and science. The liberation of Turkish language depends on the Liberation of Turkey.
The socialist movement of Turkey has been the most productive and the most creative part of modern national culture. The socialists occupy a unique place among the most sofisticated poets, novelists, playwrites, filmmakers, painters, musicians and artists in all fields. Our artists under the guidance of scientific socialism played an extraordinary part in creation of the revolutionary culture of the Republican peroid and in revolutionary transformation of our people. Being the inheritor of such a great tradition, our Party will wage a special effort in the coming period to unite with the revolutionary artists and to develop the revolutionary art. Our Party will spare no efforts to do its task in our people’s artistic and cultural resistance against the ideological attack by imperialism.
Determination of “continuing 28 February for thousand years”
The struggle between the pro-American evil front and the front of Republican revolution is still continuing with reciprocal attacks on each other. With the 23 June 1999 decisions by the National Security Council, we have seen a new attack to continue the 28 February process. And the last statement made by the Chief of General Staff on 3 September 1999 in which the determination to “continue 28 February for thousand years” was expressed is also deemed a part of this attack.
Our Party deemed it of decisive importance that Fethullahism was included into the concept of enemy in the 28 February process. Because Fethullahism is direcly linked to Washington and is being led from there and is one of the inseparable means of American emperialism in its strategy for our region. Placing Fethullahism on the target is tantamount to settling accounts not only with Medievalism, but also with the USA and to entering into the track of Kemalist revolution. Since it set off with such a programme that 28 February confronted the USA and its lackeys.
The National Security Council demanded from the government on its 23 June 1999 session that in the struggle against Fundamentalizm, “the measures taken up to now should be put on effect on a stratagical context and their extension shoul be broadened, they should be implemented without any concession”. Furthermore, special emphasize was put on Fethullahism and its connection with the USA was underlined. Nevertheless, the Fethullahist organization is under the protection of the coalition government of DSP-MHP-ANAP.
The impasse on the junction and the situation of dual power
The limits of 28 February was set by the fact that the Left wing parties, except for the Workers’ Party, do not defend the Kemalist Revolution, avoid the Left Unity, in short, the inability to form the government of the Republican Revolution. In a way, the 28 February played the part of, so to say, the Third Period of the Constitutional Monarchy. It was not able to form its own government. Even some forces who call themselves “Kemalists” either assign the responsibility of the struggle to the Army, or they expect to be guaranteed success in order to act. What is even more important is the fact that the parliament, formed by the USA through the trap of 18 April elections, as a whole, oppose the 28 February.
Under these conditions, before Turkey there are two ways to go, not only on the basis of programme, but also on the basis of social practice: The first way is the establishment of the “Second Republic” following the completion of the 50 years long process of “Litte America”. The second way is providing the 28 February with its own government and deepening of the process, in other words, the completion of the Kemalist Revolution.
After 50 years of destruction we do not have anymore a republic to protect, but have a republic to gain. Without demolishing the “Little America” regime it is not possible to set Turkey on the course of the Kemalist Revolution again. The present task of revolution is not to guard the existing regime, but to rebuild Turkey.
The present day situation can be described as an impasse where the US led regime based on mafia-gladio religious organizations and the forces of the Republican Revolution cannot get the upperhand over each other. Neither of the alternatives could liquidate the other one and gain lasting victory. This means that the decisive struggle is in front of us.
It is seen in all important developments that since the 28 February a dual power situation has emerged. What is in a more advantageous position is the power of “Little America”. And the power of the Republic is waging a resistance against the dectruction of the national state on the still existing positions of the Kemalist Revolution.This contradiction is based on the contradiction on the world scale between the oppressors and the oppressed, in other words, between the North and the South.
Solution: The political power of the Republican Revolution
Will Turkey proceed on the Kemalist Revolution or change in line with the “Second Republic”? This will be determined by the contradictions and the relations of power between the national forces of Turkey and the US imperialism. This struggle is full of ups and downs. And it is certain that there are great difficulties in front of the Republican Revolution. The key to proceed with the 28 February is to place the Workers’ Party in the vanguard positions of the mass movement and to make it stronger in the course of the struggle.
In the coming period there is a possibility of forming the government of Republican Revolution. The process that started on 28 February presents concrete proofs of this possibility.
The Workers’ Party convened its first extraordinary congress on 17 November 1999 and approved unanimously the Project on The Political Power of Republican Revolution”. This project was based on a genuine analysis and sets the task of building the Three Unities: The alliance between the Kemalists and the socialists, the Unity of the Turks and the Kurds and the Unity of the people and the Army.
Against the attempts at forming a presidential or a semi-presidentil system, our Party proposes a new constitution in the spirit of the constitutions of 1921, 1924 and 1960. paragraph 25 of the Project on The Political Power of the Republican Revolution calls for establishment of a revolutionary democracy. Justifiably, the Left have always put a special emphasis on freedom. However, the liberation of the working people and people in general necessitates a revolutionary regime which can superimpose authority on imperialism and reaction.
The struggle for reestablishing the Revolutionary Republic of the people of Turkey is facing all kinds of oppressions and intrigues by the forces of mafia-gladio-religious organizations. Imperialism makes it clear that it will activate all the elements of inner and outer threat. The laws and the discipline of the Revolutionary Republic will be implemented with great determination against these attempts.
III. THE UNION OF KEMALISTS AND SOCIALISTS
Strategical revolutionary alliance
On the class basis, the political power of the Revolutionary Republic is the joint power of the working class, peasantry, people’s intellectuals and intellectual workers, tradesmen and artisans, and the national capitalists. On the political basis, it is the power of the Kemalist-socialist alliance. Therefore, the government of the Revolutionary republic will be formed on the axis of Kemalist-socialist alliance althoug it will embrace all the national forces.
Today the forces of Kemalist-socialist alliance are to be found in the grass-roots of various political parties. That’s why, our policy of uniting these forces within a union with the aim of gaining the political power is a long term and strategical-revolutionary policy.
Alliance on the basis of programme
Kemalist-socialist alliance is an alliance between the national revolution and the revolution of working classes. From this point of view, it is an alliance of our age.
Kemalists and socialists will form an alliance not only on the basis of ideology, but on the basis of programme. The basis of the alliance is not how to interpret the world, but what to do. What is more, there is an ideological basis, as well, to unite them. This ideological basis is defined by the guidance of science. “The most trustworthy guide is the science”.
The principles called “The Six Arrows” which are crystallized through the experiences gained in Turkey’s experiences of the past 150 years of national democratic revolution, sums up the general orientation of the joint programme.
The national source of the Six Arrows is the revolutionary practice of the people of Turkey. International sources of them are the French Revolution and the Soviet Revolution. This programme unites the principles of the democratic revolutions on national state and freedom with the principles of the popular revolutions on popularism and etatism. This synthesis gives an answer to need for revolutionary solution of the problems facing the oppressed countries of our age. From this point of view, the Six Arrows is an objective programme in front of us.
Thi Six Arrows is able to bring a solution not only to the revolutionary-strategical needs of our country,but also to the current needs. The working class, peasantry and the public employees resisting to the privatizations; entire people of Turkey against the neo-Sevres threats; the youth demanding a scientific and modern education; popular masses who want to get rid of feuodal relationships, of religious orders, religious leaders and landlords; tradesmen, artisans and national capitalists troubled by mafia; people of the poorer regions who want to see a better economical balance between the regions- all has to cling on the Six Arrows in their struggles.
Revolutionary practical value of the Six Arrows
The Six Arrows have proven in Turkeys revolutionary practice through 150 years that they are based on the reality of the country.
The Six Arrows unite the popular classes.
The Six Arrows unite Kemalists and socialists.
The Six Arrows unite the Kemalist-socialist alliance with people.
The Six Arrows unite the Army with the people.
The Six Arrows give psychological superiority against the forces of “little America”.
The Six Arrows principles are easy to be a basis for agreement and easy to implement because of their historical concreteness.
The Six Arrows programme is a programme for revolutionizing the people. The vanguard party cannot remain revolutionary if it is separated from the people. It can be as much revolutionary as being able to revolutionizing the people. Therefore, the Six Arrows programme is a programme for revolutionizing our Party.
IV. UNITY OF THE TURKS AND THE KURDS
The line of defence in Northern Iraq
After the Gulf War, the Kurdish question has become for Turkey a question of resisting the threat from the West. In this question the West is not united. It is divided within itself into Europe and the USA. The sharpening rivalization between the two great powers of the West creates for Turkey an indirect potential of force.
In Northern Iraq a US controlled puppet mini Kurdish state has been established de facto. What is on the agenda now is the legitimization of this state and having Turkey accepted it. The leaders of pro-American power center in Turkey are claiming that “in order not to be like Yugoslavia the only way to be taken is cooperating with the USA”. They maintain that only then the Great Ally will not partition Turkey.
The USA is a super power. It has global ambitions. the establishment of a mini puppet state in northern Iraq is of key importance for the New World Order. By controlling this area, the USA will also control the oil transport routes to the open seas and will have a springboard for gaining an advantageous position in Central Asia which is the center of rivalry in the world scale. Therefore, it is not possible for the USA to abandon this project just for pleasing Turkey. Furthermore, beyond northern Iraq, the USA is drawing a line between Tiflis and Iskenderun and sees the eastern part of this line as its base.
On the other hand, the threat of partitioning Turkey is being used as a means for having Turkey surrendered. A Turkey, either surrendered or partitioned- these are the options given to Turkey by the USA.
Northern Iraq, in a war, has acquired the importance of a resistance line in defence of the nation-state. Therefore, we have to enter into the coming period by narrowing the possibilites of the great powers to mobilize the elements of threat. The separatist organizations pose as big threat as they are being used by the great powers.
Under these conditions it is an urgent task to mobilize all the national recources for independence and integrity, to unite “entire nation” comprised of Turks and Kurds, and strenghten the brotherhood.
The lessons proven again by the PKK
After the Gulf War, the PKK has adopted a line of integration with the new arrangements by the Western imperialists in the region. Both the USA and Europe are exploiting the Kurdish question by using, on the one hand, the collaborationist ruling circles of Turkey, and on the other, the PKK. And it is an established fact that the narrow-minded clashes of interest between the countries of the region are only serving in the interests of the imperialist powers.
Having seen that its practice came to a dead end, the PKK has also recognized that its theory that Kurdistan is a colony, is insolvent. Enmity towards the Kemalist Revolution, the claim that the Kurdish insurgencies are progressive, thesis on establishing separate organizations and separate state are now being condemned by the PKK leadership.
This is a positive development. Because, in this way, suitable conditions for placing Turkish-Kurdish brotherhood on a firm basis have emerged. Neverthless, together with the declaration of candidacy to the European Union the mood of separatism is reemerging. The propaganda that “It is PKK and its leader that forced Turkey to accept” the EU candidacy is rapidly being spread. The EU is strenghtening the factors of partitioning.
Today, opposing imperialism is of key importance for maintaining the integrity of the country and the unity of the people. Regardless of being of Turkish or Kurdish origin, everyone who wishes to have an independent Turkey feels the need for a close unity. 16 years that have passed since the PKK started the armed struggle have once more proved following facts:
– Attempts at solving the national questions within the oppressed world by using arms are rapidly coming under the control of imperialism since these attempts see the fraternal nations as their enemy. The PKK, too, has proven this regularity. The experience of the PKK has also proven that organizing people on the basis of nationalities leads finally to the division of the people, to national enmities and separatism.
– The problem can only be solved on the principles of joint fatherland, joint state of unitary character, mutual respect for the rights and equality. Congresses of Erzurum and Sivas, the Amasya Protocol, Turkey’s theses in the Lausanne talks are valid today, too.
The Turks and the Kurds are living intertwined with each other. They are obliged to live together. Seen from this perspective, if the problem is dealt with independent of imperialism and with a freedom-loving policy, the process may develop in a way to form a unified nation of different nationalities.
The time is ripe now for evaluating a wrong attitude taken by our Party in the past. In 1991 the Socialist Party, the name then used by our Party, projected a solution of federation on the basis of acceptance by the people. This was part of a programme which was correct in its main lines. Of course, the federation was seen as a measure to prevent the separation and as a step “for the transition to the unitary state”. This was clearly stated in the first draft of this programme, but later was removed with the thought that it might cause distrust in regard to voluntary union.
Soon it was understood that federation was not the correct way to go. But meanwhile, cases of closure and punishment were started against the Socialist Party. Having a self-criticism when the trial went on,would lead to misunderstandings. It would be doubted that this self-criticism was sincere and thought that this was done in order to avoid the threat. Under these conditions it would be difficult to reach clear ideas. Therefore the self-criticism was postponed until more favourable conditions were reached. Now the trial process is over and it is time is ripe for having a self-criticism. Even if it is seen as a first step to the unitary state, federation or autonomy is not suitable for the conditions of our country. Imperialist interventions to the region taken into consideration, these solutions may lead to developments suitable for our people’s need for unity. On the other hand, federation or autonomy may lead to continued existence of the medieval forces and to retardation of the national democratic revolution even if federation or autonomy is conditioned by the implementation of a revolutionary programme for uprooting the medieval relations.
The Kurdish question has been solved de facto in regard to freedom
On the threshold of year 2000 the Kurdish question has been solved de facto in regard to rights and freedom. “The Kurdish reality” has been accepted by the authorites. Newspapers, magazines and books can now be published, Kurdish music can be broadcasted. What is to be done today is to define the legal framework of this de facto situation and to create an atmosphere of contentment for our Kurdish citizens. The conditions for this are ripe.
The solution projected by the Workers’ Party is becoming the programme of Turkey
With its “Urgent Solution of Brotherhood to the Kurdish Question” approved by the Forth Congress on 22-24 November 1996, the Workers’ Party demanded that the constitutional principles and policies of the Liberation War should be put on effect again and declared its programme. This solution had been tested during the early years of the Kemalist Revolution. Therefore, it has great value in surmounting the psychological problems.
“Urgent Solution of Brotherhood to the Kurdish Question” will in near future be the programme of Turkey just as our programme titled “The Laws of the Republican Revolution must be Implemented” became the programme of the State. This expectation of ours ,which we express for two-three years is more realistic now.
Nationalism defined by the Six Arrows
Six Arrows principle on nationalism must be cleansed of interpretations and implementations which exclude the Kurds. Official interpretation of nationalism under Atatürk period must be resumed. Nationalism principle adopted by the CHP programme in 1931 is defined as follows:
“Although the Party proceeds in harmony with all the modern civilizations in its international relations and contacts as it marches forward in the way of progress and development, it sees it necessary to protect the special character and independent identity of the Turkish society.”
As it is seen, the definition of nationalism made under Atatürk’s guidance has two principles:
One: Being in harmony with modern civilization in the way of progress.
Two: Protecting special character and independence of the Turkish society.
Atatürk defined the Turkish nation in the light of this understanding as “The Turkish people who established the Republic of Turkey”. This is the official definition of the nation. In this way, a revolutionary definition of nation was adopted. As it established the Republic through revolution, the people of Turkey made itself a nation. The Republican definition of nation is not based on ethnic relationships, but on political relations of being the citizens of the Republic.
The political power of the Republican Revolution will be based not only on the Turks or a religious sect, but on the joint will of all citizens of all faiths, regardless of being of Turkish or Kurdish origin.
Just as in the example of Müdafaai Hukuk (Defence of the Rights: The body organized by Atatürk to lead the Liberation War), it is of vital importance to organize the Turkish and Kurdish popular masses jointly in the same party.
In the period behind us, the holders of political power in Turkey abandoned Atatürk’s principle on joint organization and pursued a policy of controlling the Kurds by sepaerate organizations. This policy was forced on Turkey by the USA and Europe. To have a separate Kurdish organization is in line with their plans. And Turkish administrations of the last twenty years have submitted to these plans.
Before 1980s, the PKK was used in Southeastern Turkey by MIT (National Intelligence Service) against Left Wing organizations and especially TIKP (Workers’ and Peasants’ Party of Turkey) which were organizations for entire population regardless of ethnic origin. Hundreds of Left wing militants were assassinated by the PKK. In this way the Left wing organizations refusing to be organized on a nationalist basis were liquidated and the way was opened for the PKK.
In 1990s, we have had the experiences of HEP, DEP and HADEP. Especially under Turgut Özal administration, American lackeys pursued a policy of separate organization. This policy ended in rupture between the Turkish and Kurdish popular masses and our Kurdish citizens were pushed into the arms of the separatist movement.
The service rendered by this policy to the separatism yielded to grave results. For instance, while the Socialist Party was pursuing a policy of organizing the Turks and the Kurds within the same organization and, thereby, gaining strength in Eastern and Southeastern parts of our country, the state institutions supported separatism for “controlling HEP”, and even had SHP formed an alliance with the PKK through HEP. According to his own statement, PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan himself picked the HEP candidates.
After the 1991 elections, for example, the PKK candidate got 2100 votes in Silopi, one of the PKK strongholds, and the Socialist Party got 1400 votes, despite the armed threats by the PKK. Upon this the PKK leader made a statement in which he said “Perinçek’s party is trying to seize my grass-root”. This joint organization which was an alternative against the PKK faced state terror and 10 local leaders of the Socialist Party was killed in Diyarbakir, Cizre, Şırnak, Nusaybin and Van by Super NATO. As a result of these practices the Socialist Party was forced to withdraw from the region. Thereby the region was cleared by the state itself for the PKK.
Unfortunately, all these lessons did not suffice.The same policy is being pursued today, too.US controlled intelligence organizations of the state are still following the policy of controlling the Kurds by organizing a seperate party. The attempts at uniting the HADEP and the ÖDP (party of neo-liberal leftists) are serving the US policy of establishing a puppet state in Northern Iraq. Both the USA and Europe are obliging Turkey to accept the legalization of the PKK and making it a partner of the puppet state in Northern Iraq.
If organizing the Turks and the Kurds jointly in a progressive party defending the programme of the Six Arrows is prevented, only imperialism will benefit from this. The only solution is getting the Kurdish people have a love of Atatürk and organizing jointly.
V. UNITY OF THE PEOPLE AND THE ARMY
We are facing problems which can be solved only by Army
Today Turkey is facing problems which can be solved by the Army. The threats by the West on the issues of Northern Iraq, Aegean Sea and Cyprus as well as the possibilities of leading the religious reaction into violence can only been deterred and neutralized by the force of armed sanctions.
Today we are on the spot where Atatürk set off for the Liberation War . 80 years after the start of the Liberation War we are again in need for a national Army which has a force of deterrence.Defending the national state and the positions of the Republican Revolution depends on this Army. Turning one’s face from this policy under the pretexts of “peace” will be a historical mistake.
The National Army and the National State cannot but resist
Western imperialists are well aware of the fact that they cannot destroy the nation-state without disabling the Turkish Army. We, too, know that the nation-state was established with arms in hand and it can be destroyed only by arms. The nation-state and the National Army cannot but resist. This is the iron law of our age. It is clear that the National Army which succesfully waged the first ever Liberation War cannot submit the the intentions of destroying the nation-state. The fact that since the 1995 operation the Turkish Armed Forces took an active attitude against the USA plans for Northern Iraq has proven that this analyses of ours is correct. And this attitude is of historical importance. This is the quintessence of 28 February. On the other hand, the attack by the USA to transform the Turkish Army into an intervention force to the crisis areas is the negative aspect of the process.
This is a zig-zagged process.On the final analysis, the orientation of the Turkish Army will be defined by its national character, not by the Super NATO. The unity of the Army on the basis of the tradition of the Kemalist Revolution is a very important guarantee for the future of Turkey.
All revolutionary leaps seen through history everywhere are the products of the union between the people and the Army.
Supported by the traditions of the Liberation War and revitalized by 28 February, the people-Army union will reenter into the track of the Kemalist Revolution and will be stronger, and this will lead to the establishment of the new power of the Republican Revolution.
VI. WE ARE ASIAN
The world is entering into the Age of Eurasia
The Atlantic Age is coming to an end and giving way to the Age of Eurasia. The center of gravity in the world trade is shifting from Atlantic to Pasific.
In line with economy, the center of rivalry is also shifting to Asia. The USA have attacked to Yugoslavia and Iraq and engaged in intrigues in the Caucusus, but all these are done for domination of Asia.
The most important and the most dynamic factor of the Pasific Age is the People’s Republic of China. Before the revolution, China had no single tractor (even Turkey had 2500) and was the poorest country in the world. But the country broke its chains through revolution and, thanks to socialism, became the most dynamic country in the world. China is going to become the largest economy towards 2020. If China is left aside, the development of world economy has almost stopped.
The declining power of the Pasific
As for the USA, it is not a rising power, but a declining power in the Pasific. Right after the World War II, the share of the USA in the world economy was 50%. This share is now 27%. It is reckoned that this ratio will fall down to between 10 and 15%. The largest economies of year 2020 will be China, the European Union, Japan and the USA.
In the military field, today there are still two great powers: USA and Russia. The decline in the US economy will surely have consequences in the military field, too.
In the political field, the powers that are going to play the major roles are the USA, the European Union, Japan, Russia and the People’s Republic of China. This process from 2000 to 2020 points to a world in which the USA will no longer be a shining star. As for Europe, even if it maintains its economic status, it will have difficulties in keeping its existing position in the world balance because of the newly rising powers.
Of course, the decline of the Atlantic will not happen suddenly. The new proofs and consequences of this decline will be visible every three to five years.
The major analysis institutions in the world, including the American strategists, have come to the conclusion that the US aspiration of world domination is not realistic. What is before us is not a mono-polar, but a multi-polar world.
The Great Wall of Asia
In the early 90s, our Party described Eurasia as a “geography of chaos” and characterized the alignment of forces as the partitioning ones and the partitioned ones. The developments in the world arena have been conditioned by this alignment of forces.
Now the pieces are falling to their places. Following a decade of dissolution and crisis, Russia is now turning its face against the West. The Russian army has recently decided that the main threat is coming from the West.
It is now being built an unsurmountable Great Wall in front of the American plans for Eurasia. This Wall is based on the cooperation between the People’s Republic of China, Russia and India. The Turcic republics of Central Asia and other Asian countries are rallying around this axis. The Shanghay Five and other initiatives of regional cooperation became a barrier before the USA. The Central Asian republics and Russia are refusing to become a wedge against China. The American attempts of coup d’etat in this region through Turkey have resulted in fiasco.
All indications are suggesting that the American expedition of Asia will end in failure. The regimes that will accept to be an intervention force on behalf of the USA in the Caucasus, the Middle East and Central Asia can only share the American defeat.
As the world enters into the Age of Eurasia it is an unfortunate lesson to be learned that the ruling elite of Turkey is pursuing a place in Europe.Yet it is sure that Turkey will turn its face towards Asia. Turkey is a country in the oppressed world, it is Asian. It will take part in the great rise and the revolutionary civilization of Eurasia, and will definitely not share the fate of declining and decaying Europe.
Since our last Congress, the Workers’ Party has functioned as the main opposition party. We acted together with the workers resisting the privatizations, with the peasants demanding a justifiable price for their products, with the students struggling for the right to a democratic and scientific education, with popular masses and intellectuals struggling for enlightenment and independence.
We had many activities in our party premises, outdoor press conferences, paid visits to striking workers, organized various meetings etc., and except these, we have participated in 102 rallies. The amount of people who took part in these actions is around 3 300 000.
We had election campaigns in 65 provinces. In 36 of these provinces, our local organizations had a remarkable performance.
3000 of our 20000 members, in other words 15%, actively participated in the election campaign.
Since our last Congress the Workers’ Party organized 96 panel discussions, conferences, festivals, etc., and these were attended by over 37 000 people.
The conferences, fora and symposiums organized by our party are as follows:
International Susurluk Conference (Istanbul, 14-15 June 1997), Conference on Educational Policies for a Revolutionary Republic (Ankara, 6-7 December 1997), Energy Forum (Istanbul, 20-21 June 1998), Symposium on West and Reaction (Ankara, 9-11 Octob er 1998), Transport Forum (Istanbul, 27-28 December 1998), Workers’ Conferences Against Privatizations (Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, Kocaeli, Zonguldak, Adana, Malatya), The Six Arrows Conference (Ankara, 12-13 June 1999), The Symposium on International Arbitration (Istanbul, 11 July 1999), The Earthquake Meeting (Izmit).
Thus, our Party deepened its programme on the most important problems of Turkey and took result-bearing steps in uniting with Turkey’s vanguard cadres.
Our central and local organizations distributed 1 450 000 leaflets and put on posters.
Right after the earthquake of 17 August 1999, our party set up a special a comittee and served the people hit by the earthquake. Especially our local cadres were mobilized and organized. Our activities centered on Sakarya and Kocaeli yielded lasting results and these activities are still continuing.
The services rendered by our Party to the people of Turkey in the period behind us can be summed up as follows:
1. The Workers’ Party spearheaded 28 February and produced its programme
The Workers’ Party is the party which spearheaded and produced the programme of the process which is called the Second Offensive of the Republican Revolution. The demand that “The Laws of the Republican Revolution Should Be Implemented” was brought again and with a special emphasis on the agenda of Turkey by the Workers’ Party on its Forth Congress held in November 1996. We have declared a programme comprising of 12 points and launched a campaign for the implementation of this programme. The 18 point programme adopted by the National Security Council includes the demands in the programme produced by the Workers’ Party.
2. The Workers’ Party led the Susurluk process
The Workers’ Party is also called “the prosecutor of the Susurluk case”. Our Party alone revealed for years the transition of the economy and the politics into the hands of mafia. The facts presented by our Party has been proven to be true by the well known traffic accident in Susurluk and the idisclosures following this accident.
The Workers’ Party has spearheaded the enlightenment period which started after the Susurluk case. The crimes of the Çiller Special Organization, the Heroin Revolution started by Turgut Özal under the cover of liberalization, the attempted coup d’etat in Azerbaidjan, dispatches of arms and military personnel to Chechnia organized by the CIA, teams of sabotage sent to Xingkiang province of China, assasination of General Eşref Bitlis in a CIA plot, murky activities of the USA in Northern Iraq, Çiller’s relationships with the USA-all were revealed to the public opinion by the Workers’ Party. The file presented by the Workers’ Party Chairman Perinçek to the President urged the state institutions to act and determined the actual agenda of the Parliament Investigation Commision on Susurluk Case, Office of the Prime Minister, security agencies of the state and of the public opinion.
3. The only party that opposed the privitazations from the very beginning
When the governments of Özal, Çiller and Demirel accepted the IMF and World Bank dictated programme of privatization, firing the workers and strangling the trade-unions, all political parties, all trade-unions and mass organizations approved the privitizations. It was only the Workers’ Party that opposed the privitazation programme and determinedly revealed that it was a programme of destroying the Republican economy and the national state. As a result of the perseverant struggle by the Workers’ Party broad masses of workers and trade-unions began opposing the privatizations. This struggle formed a wide front against the privatization programme.
4. US plan to form a puppet state in Northern Iraq was revealed by the Workers’ Party
During the Gulf Crisis that started in July 1990 and during the Gulf War that started at the beginning of 1991, the Workers’ Party was the only political organization that took a clear attitude. Our Party revealed that the USA’s aim was to partition Iraq and to establish a puppet state. Now, nine years after the war, a broad section of the patriotic people sees that the USA and Europe are trying to impose on Turkey a new version of Sevres Treaty. By this attitude, the Workers’ Party has proven that it is the most determined, the most consequent and the most equipped party in the struggle against imperialism.
5. With its proposal on Left Unity, the Workers’ Party formulated the government of the Republican revolution
The Workers’ Party is the Party that formulated the project of a left government. Since December 1994, it propagates the Left Unity. The Councils of National Forces that were established in many provinces and sub-provinces are a proof that broad patriotic masses support the Party’s efforts in realizing the Left Unity.
6. The Workers’ Party assumed responsibility in regard to the problems of agricultural producers
In the past period it was only the Chairman of the Workers’ Party who was right beside the producers of tobacco, olive, cotton and animal breeders. The Party felt itself responsible in regard to the problems faced by the producers and, by organizing rallies, made these problems known by the public opinion. Following the rallies in Balıkesir, Manisa, Izmir, Aydın and Muğla thousands of peasants became the members to the Party.
7. The Workers’ Party trained a generation of youth who say “The Republic is entrusted to us”
The Workers’ Party trained a generation of youth ,loyal to the country and the people, determined to complete the Republican Revolution, opposing the oppressions in the universities and promoting peace- youth who are proud, knowledgable and well educated. The Vanguard Youth, the youth organization of the Workers’ Party, marches every year on 19 May (anniversary of the start of the Liberation War) from Samsun (the city where Atatürk started the Liberation Movement) to Ankara (city made capital by Atatürk). Just as in the march of Bergama-Akkuyu organized in August 1998, the young people of the Workers’ Party are going to the villages and small towns to join the struggles of the working people and thereby uniting their fates with that of the people of Turkey.
IX. IN 80TH ANNIVERSARY OF OUR PARTY AND ON THE THRESHOLD OF 2000s
The posibility of getting political power is also the possibility of facing danger
Any possibility of getting the political power bears, at the same time, possibilities of facing danger. The assasinations of Şemsi Denizer and Taner Kışlalı are messages given to the working class and the forces of Republican Revolution.Our Party did get the message. We have learned also from the Super NATO that in the coming period, when the time comes to step forward to defend our country’s independence and the Republican Revolution, we will not be deterred by the consequences any sacrifices.
As Turkey proceeds into a period of settling accounts, our Party holds the vanguard position in defending the nation-state and the Republican Revolution. The secret security agreement signed on 19 November 1999 by the administrators of Turkey with the USA calls for neutralization of the Workers’ Party. The signs of the intrigues prepared for this aim are already being seen. Akit, a pro-Islamist newspaper, published a cartoon portraying the Turkish Army nailed on the Star, the Workers’ Party embleme, and a provacative headline accompanying this cartoon- This has been the latest example in its sort and gives the clues of the intrigues.
Under the conditions when defending the nation-state is the primary task, our Party is the only political force which realizes the importance of strenghtening the unity between the people and the Army, and it is the only political force to act accordingly. The intrigues are aimed at frustrating this unity. The issue of the day is to increase the vigilance of our local organizations and members. Our Party and our people are well experienced to defeat the intrigues.
The most experienced party in Turkey
This is an experience gained in 80 years. It is deeply rooted both in the Kemalist Revolution and the Anatolian civilization, and in its own struggle from the time of Şefik Hüsnü, the founder of the Party. Our Party keeps alive the tradition represented by such proletarian revolutionaries as Mustafa Suphi, Nazım Hikmet, Hikmet Kıvılcımlı and Reşat Fuat Baraner who spent their lives in the service of the revolutionary case of the working people.
22 September 1999 was the 80th anniversary of the establishment of the Workers’ Party. We are the oldest party in Turkey. In 80 years, our Party have been waging struggle for a fully independent Turkey and for completing the half-done Republican Revolution and proceeding to socialism.
During the last 30 years, we had around 100 martyrs, including Bora Gözen, Mehmet Çetin and Resul Sakar, in the struggle against imperialism and its lackeys. By waging struggle till their last breaths for the independence of our country and for the working people’s power, these comrades had been very good examples for us.
Our Party is the inheritor of a tradition which always values the interests of the working people above all. We are well aware of the responsibilities given to us by this revolutionary tradition.
The consciousness of being a great party
The main question for our Party is to comprehend that it is a great party. The USA knows that the Workers’ Party is a great party. That’s why it puts in the bilateral agreements special paragraphs aiming at neutralizing our Party.
The pro-American evil front sees that it is only the Workers’ Party that opposes the EU membership. In everybody’s eyes the Workers’ Party is a pole of the political arena.
With the process of 28 February, the programmes put forward by the Workers’ Party began to be programmes of political power. The progress of the process will bring the Party which produced these programmes into power. The Workers’ Party will be a part of the government of the Republican Revolution that will be formed in the coming period. Being aware of this is the first condition of success.
The majority of the people is under the ideological hegemony of the Right wing parties.Without gaining these people over to our side it is not possible to form a government. Our Liberation War was a great action of mobilizing the people who were then incarcerated in the medieval culture. Turkey is again coming to that point.
There are news that in various parts of the country there is a current towards our Party from the grass-roots of MHP (Nationalist Action Party) and FP (Welfare Party). The policies of our Party are being discussed not only within the Left, but also in all sections of the people, and the Party is seen as a political power alternative. The period when the Left wing organizations were trying to win people from each other is now over. The possibility of the Left to unite with the people is now represented by the Workers’ Party.
In the protest on 16 July 1978 against the assasination of Central Comitte member Mehmet Çetin by the state, we had, for the first time, declared our analysis on the period towards 2000. We have predicted that at the turn of the Century the contradictions in Turkey would be so sharpened that the system would not be able to sustain.
This analysis has proven to be correct. Turkey is entering 2000 with great potentialities of change. 28 February is a sign showing that the revolutionary process has begun. A situation of dual power has arisen. 28 February insisted on the implementation of its own programme, but was not able to change the regime of mafia-gladio-religious organizations with a new one .What is in front of us is the process of struggle by the people of Turkey to get rid of the regime of “Little America” and to reestablish the Revolutionary Republic.
This is also a process of settling accounts, and the success is not guaranteed in advance. Neither Atatürk had any guarantees when he set off for the Liberation War. But he had trust in the strength of his people and had the determination to win.
Above all, Turkey’s own experience and the fact that a Eurasian pole has recently emerged to counter-balance the West have created favourable conditions for the new spring forwarded by the Kemalist Revolution.
The West has no chance anymore to force its own decaying system on Asia. On the contrary, Asia will force its system on the USA and Europe in the first quarter of the 21st Century.
At last we have reached 2000s. We are entering the new millenium with great revolutionary hopes, with the determinition of repelling great dangers, with a trust in the people of Turkey who is enriched with the experiences of great civilizations, and by turning our back to the decaying West which is doomed to narcotics, by seeing the great rise of Asia. We know that just as the beginning of the 20th Century, 21st Century, too, will be a scene of revolutionary spring forward.
In the first decade of 2000s the IMF dictation will be put an end, the secret agreements signed with the USA will surely be torn apart, the OSCE Treaty will be annulled, MAI Agreement and international arbitration which destroy the national sovereignty will be abolished.
Our country will get out of NATO. Our country will not be a slave of Europe and will take its bright part in the revolutionary rise of Asia.